By Leland Ware
In 2005, the U.S. Census Bureau announced that Texas had become a majority-minority state. In 2010 Texas legislators enacted a law that disenfranchised an untold number of Latinos and African American voters. A civil action was filed challenging the law under the U.S. Constitution and the Voting Rights Act. The district court ruled that the law had a disparate impact and was enacted with a discriminatory intent. Texas appealed and a panel of the Court of Appeals affirmed in part, vacated in part, and remanded the case for further findings.
After a rehearing en banc the Fifth Circuit affirmed the
trial court’s decision on the discriminatory effect issue and remanded the
discriminatory intent issue for reconsideration by the district court. In
January of 2017, the Supreme Court denied Texas’ petition for a writ of certiorari but left open the
possibility of an appeal at a later time. On April 10, 2017, the trial court affirmed
its earlier ruling that the legislature acted with a discriminatory intent when
it enacted a voter ID law.
Veasey v. Abbott was prompted by
the passage of Senate Bill 14 (“SB 14”). The barriers to voting this law
erected were enormous. Voters were required to present one of the following: a
Texas driver’s license or personal identification card issued by the Department
of Public Safety (“DPS”); a U.S. military identification card with a
photograph; a U.S. citizenship certificate with a photo; a U.S. passport; a
license to carry a concealed handgun issued by DPS; or an Election
Identification Certificate (“EIC”) issued by DPS.
To obtain an EIC Texas
residents were required to present either: one form of primary ID, two forms of
secondary ID, or one form of secondary ID and two pieces of supporting
identification. This meant that any application for an EIC required either a
Texas driver’s license or personal identification card or one of the following
documents, accompanied by two forms of supporting identification: (1) an
original or certified copy of a birth certificate from the appropriate state
agency; (2) an original or certified copy of a United States Department of
State Certification of Birth for a U.S. citizen born abroad; (3) U.S.
citizenship or naturalization papers without a photo; or (4) an original or
certified copy of a court order containing the person’s name and date of birth
and indicating an official change of name and/or gender.
The trial court’s April 10 decision
affirmed its previous finding that the legislature’s actions were “unexplainable
on grounds other than race.” Proponents of SB 14 were aware of the potentially
disproportionate effect of the law on minorities, but they passed the bill
without adopting a number of proposed measures that might have reduced the adverse
impact. Supporters of the ID law claimed it was needed remedy for
voter fraud. This was a specious rationale. The evidence showed in person
voting resulted in only two convictions for fraud out of 20 million votes cast
in the decade leading up to SB 14’s passage.
Voter ID laws are part
of a longstanding Republican effort to disenfranchise Black and Latino voters.
The authors of a recent study concluded “[b]y instituting strict voter ID laws, states can alter the
electorate and shift outcomes toward those on the right. Where these laws are
enacted, the influence of Democrats and liberals wanes and the power of
Republicans grows. Unsurprisingly, these strict ID laws are passed almost
exclusively by Republican legislatures.”
Racial gerrymandering, restrictive voter ID laws and similar
measures are part and parcel of Republican efforts to suppress the African
American and Latino vote. This and other cases show that Supreme Court was
wrong when it decided in Shelby v. Holder
pre-clearance was no longer needed. Texas’ persistent and egregious conduct
justifies the imposition of a requirement to pre-clear any changes in its
voting procedures before they are put into effect.
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