Sunday, November 8, 2015

Lee Formwalt Receives Lillian Smith Book Award for 2015



As Lee Formwalt explains to us in Looking Back, Moving Forward, the Civil Rights Movement in Southwest Georgia was not limited to the more well-known events that occurred there in the 1960s. It is rather a movement that began with the arrival of enslaved people in the early 19th Century, and it is a history that he brings right up to the present day. In bestowing this award, the Lillian Smith Book Awards Jury commends Professor Formwalt for doing justice to this long history of struggle through a narrative that is compelling, that is instructive, and that is often heartbreaking; For sharing with us this intensely local history with national significance.  It was Albany’s Citywide Campaign in 1961 and 1962 when events came to a head in Southwest Georgia . and when the region received widespread attention.
 
Professor Formwalt is particularly effective in conveying a sense of this period: The mass meetings at Mt. Zion and Shiloh churches, the convictions of local leaders, the marches, the boycotts, the Freedom Rides, the young women locked in the Leesburg Stockade, and the brutal attack on the pregnant Marian King. He writes of the music of the movement that brought unity and courage in the face of great adversity.


And who better to relate these events and many others than the former Director of the Albany Civil Rights Institute and long-time Professor of History at Albany State University, Lee Formwalt? All the better that the proceeds from the sale of Looking Back, Moving Forward will go to the Albany Civil Rights Institute to help support that institution in its effort to educate this and future generations on the civil rights struggle in Southwest Georgia.


In accepting a Lillian Smith Book Award for 2015, Dr. Formwalt observed as follows:



I am truly honored and humbled to receive this award today.  When I look at the competition this year and at the previous winners, I am in awe that my work on the history of that dark southwest corner of Georgia is recognized and graced with this prize named after the courageous woman whose writing and work challenged segregation in the Jim Crow South.

Looking Back, Moving Forward tells the story of the Albany and Southwest Georgia Movement. For some people that means the years 1961-1962 when Martin Luther King, Jr. went to Albany and participated in the movement. With his involvement, the Albany Movement came to be part of the larger national civil rights movement which many people consider to have begun either in 1954 with the Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision declaring public school segregation unconstitutional, or in 1955 with the Montgomery Bus Boycott when the young minister Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. emerged as a civil rights leader of national renown. The movement is often considered to have concluded either in 1964-1965 with the passage of the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts, or in 1968 with the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. in Memphis, Tennessee.

Many historians are rethinking the chronological boundaries of the movement which make it a 1950s and 1960s phenomenon. Instead, they propose what they call the Long Civil Rights Movement which began before 1954 and did not end in 1968, but continues right up to the present. In the Long Civil Rights Movement we look to those earlier and later attempts by African Americans and others to assert their human and civil rights.

Some would argue that the civil rights movement began in the 1930s; others go back to the beginning of the 20th century when the NAACP was founded. Still others go back to emancipation and Reconstruction in the 19th century. Others argue that the movement began with slavery and those enslaved persons who resisted their bondage. In other words, most historians agree that the freedom struggle for civil rights was not limited to two decades in the middle 20th century, but has a long history that goes back to before our nation’s founding and continues right up through today.

This book tells the story of the Long Southwest Georgia Movement, going all the way back to the earliest white and African American settlers in southwest Georgia. Greed and white privilege on the one hand, and resistance and a yearning for freedom and equality on the other have been continual themes in southwest Georgia history in the last two centuries. Quickly summarized, the story of its early years consists of the white man defeating the red man in the Creek War, 1813-1814, and taking his land to grow the white gold of that day—cotton. To clear the land, and to plant and cultivate the crop, he brought in the enslaved black man, and laid in southwest Georgia what W.E.B. Du Bois called “the corner-stone of the Cotton Kingdom.” That kingdom, built on African American slavery, came crashing down with emancipation at the conclusion of the Civil War in 1865. There followed in the brief hopeful years of Reconstruction in southwest Georgia (1865-1871) a struggle to make African American freedom real. With the spotty protection of the federal government, black men by the hundreds elected African American men to represent them in the state legislature. They built their own churches, schools, and social institutions.

Federal support of the experiment in African American freedom did not last long. The bonds of race were strong; white northerners and southerners reconciled as the 19th century ended, ushering in the long dark years of Jim Crow, and segregation became the law of the land south of the Mason Dixon line. White supremacy was reinforced by law and by extralegal violence, the worst of which was lynching. As during slavery and Reconstruction, African Americans resisted the system of oppression. Some left southwest Georgia; others organized and laid the groundwork for the Albany civil rights movement which burst on the national scene in late 1961. The eyes of the nation and the world were on southwest Georgia and witnessed the largest direct action community protest at that time in American history.

Key players in igniting the Albany Movement were Charles Sherrod, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and high school and Albany State College students. Martin Luther King, Jr. came in 1961 and left in 1962, but Sherrod and SNCC stayed. Their stories flesh out the narrative of the southwest Georgia movement in the 1960s. Once again the federal government allied itself with the African American liberation cause, but it was local people of color who went to court and, in county after county in the region, brought the white power structure kicking and screaming into the modern world of equal rights and diversity. The struggle for freedom and equality continues in the 21st century as whites continue to avoid true public school integration and wield economic power in their own interest. One thing that continues to inspire contemporary freedom fighters is the story of how their predecessors challenged oppression.

This book had its origins in the 1980s and 1990s when I was teaching at Albany State and researching and writing about 19th-century Dougherty County. In the 1990s I got involved in the effort to turn the old and no longer used Mt. Zion Baptist Church into a civil rights museum.  We restored the front half of the church to the way it was in 1961-1962 during the heyday of the Albany Movement.  In the back half of the church were the museum exhibits.  The $1.2 million renovation was completed in 1998 and the museum opened on the 37th anniversary of the founding of the Albany Movement in November 1961. Our dream for a new building with separate exhibit space next to the church was realized in October 2008, when the $4 million  facility was dedicated as the new Albany Civil Rights Institute or ACRI.

In the meantime, I had left Albany in 1999 to become executive director of the Organization of American Historians in Bloomington, IN.  When I retired in 2009, I got a phone call from ACRI and before I knew it I was back in Albany running our beloved new civil rights institute.

I wasn’t there long when the editor of a slick glossy photo-rich community magazine proposed that we put together a souvenir book that ACRI visitors could buy which would tell the story of the Albany Movement. We raised $25,000 to cover the costs of making the book so that all the sales proceeds would benefit ACRI.  We had difficulty finding a writer and the project remained unfinished when I retired and returned to Indiana at the end of 2011.

The following summer I was diagnosed with Parkinson’s Disease and I decided that while I was still able I would visit those places I had always wanted to see: Italy, Greece, Machu Picchu, and the Galapagos Islands. I went to Italy in May 2013, and while I was in Greece four months later I got an email from ACRI director Frank Wilson asking me about the souvenir book project.  When I got home, I explained that he needed to find a writer for the book.  Within ten days, I was signing a contract to write the book over the next four months before I headed down to Machu Picchu. Having researched and written so much on 19th-century southwest Georgia history and having written the ACRI docents’ presentation on the movement, I was able to crank out a chapter every week to nine days.  For their feedback, I sent drafts out to former SNCC workers Penny Patch, Peter de Lissovoy, and Jack Chatfield, to former Albany Movement president Dr. William Anderson, to Julian Bond, and to historians Susan O’Donovan, Emilye Crosby, Hasan Jeffries, and Jamil Zainaldin.  Sadly, we lost Jack and Julian this past year, but both lived long enough to see the book before they passed. Jamil recognized the publication as more than a souvenir book and offered the help of the Georgia Humanities Council in promoting it to a wider audience.  Cathy Cowdrey did a superb job in designing and laying out the book. Rich Weichert read every word of every draft and provided support day in and day out.  Also with us today are others who supported me over the years—my mom who has been there for me for the last 65 years; my sisters Debbie McFerran and Kim Mistovich and their husbands; and colleagues Susan McGrath and Frank Wilson, who made this project finally happen. To all of you—Thanks!

Tuesday, November 3, 2015

Georgia Court of Appeals Choices are a Wake-Up Call.

November 3, 2015


To the Editors:

Despite protestations by many in the leadership of our State, including those who sit on the Judicial Nominating Commission, that the lack of diverse gubernatorial appointments is only a function of “lack of qualified nominees,” Governor Nathan Deal’s recent appointments to the three (3) newly created Court of Appeals seats confirms that “lack of qualified nominees” is not a reason for the lack of diverse appointments.



The list of nominees for the Court of Appeals included several highly qualified diverse candidates who have practiced law and administered justice in a variety of jurisdictions across the State. The final list of nominees that was sent to the Governor included three (3) distinguished African American sitting judges. Yet not one of them was selected for any of the three vacancies. Instead, the Governor, as has been the tradition, selected a white female and two white males to fill these important seats. Only one of the three (3) was a sitting judge. While there was geographic and gender diversity in his selection, the Governor appears to have completely ignored the importance racial diversity as part of his selection process.



In a state where 30.5% of the population is African American, the Court of Appeals, which hears cases from all across the state, is now 13% African American – far from representative of the state population. There are two (2) African American appellate judges, and one is near retirement age.



But, judging by recent actions, representation apparently does not matter to Governor Deal. He apparently believes that the diverse perspectives of people who don’t look like him are unimportant and need not be reflected on the bench above a token level. Evidently, the Governor does not believe any of the myriad of studies which have established that diversity enhances the quality of judicial decision-making and promotes greater confidence in our system of justice.



As a former judge, the Governor has personal experience of the homogenous composition of Georgia’s courts, and it is especially disappointing that someone with this experience displays an apparent lack of sensitivity to the urgent need for a representative judiciary in our highly diverse State. It is also disappointing that the Governor apparently did not believe that diversity and accountability are important on one of our State’s highest tribunals.



We did not want to believe those who suggested that that the Governor of our great State believes that he only represents “some “of the people – those who voted for him - and not “all” of the people. We did not want to believe that a Governor who inherits the legacy left by Governor Zell Miller and Governor Roy Barnes – a legacy of racially diverse judicial appointments - would turn his back on this legacy and seek to undo it. How can the Governor not be aware of and hear the growing unrest amongst lawyers and the general population that the current judiciary looks less like our state now and more like the all-white judiciary of the 1950’s?



Despite our trepidations, we still had a glimmer of hope that this Governor would “do the right thing” by all of the people of this State whose cases ultimately end up in the Court of Appeals and turn the tide toward inclusivity. It was this hope that led us to encourage a group of highly talented lawyers and judges to allow themselves to be considered for the recent Court of Appeals vacancies.



Apparently, our hopes were misplaced.



Judge Thelma Wyatt Cummings Moore (Retired)

Former Judge Bettianne Hart

Charles S. Johnson III

Suzanne Ockleberry

Wayne Kendall

Advocacy For Action, Inc.

Monday, October 26, 2015

In Considering a Sentence for Tyrone Brooks, Consider His Overall Body of Work.

Any judge who considers an appropriate sentence for Tyrone Brooks should consider his contributions to society.

Throughout our nation’s history, progressive changes have come about in large part because activists have worked outside of official channels to create a climate that is more conducive to those changes.  In the words of Frederick Douglass, “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did, and it never will.”

A story is told about Sidney Hillman, who served for a time as head of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers Union.  After helping Franklin Roosevelt get elected in the Presidential campaign of 1932, Hillman is said to have gone to the White House and presented an ambitious agenda of progressive actions for the new President to take.  President Roosevelt supposedly replied: “Sidney, I agree with everything in your proposal. It is all exactly right.  Now you just go back home and make me do it.” 

Years later, Martin Luther King, Jr. is said to have had a similar conversation with President Lyndon Johnson.  In response to Dr. King’s call for voting rights legislation and for the appointment of more African American officials, President Johnson is said to have challenged Dr. King to essentially “make me do it”.

In more recent times, Representative Tyrone Brooks has played a role similar to that of Sidney Hillman and Martin Luther King.  With little thought for his own personal needs, he has worked outside of official channels to create a climate which made it easier for public officials to do the right thing. This letter provides just two examples.

When I first began practicing law, all of Georgia’s trial court judges were white, and few if any were female, and subsequent progress toward a more representative judiciary was initially very slow.  Through his work with the American Civil Liberties Union to challenge the method in which Georgia’s judges were selected, Tyrone Brooks helped to create an environment in which Governors Zell Miller and Roy Barnes were able through the appointment process to make our State’s judiciary (at least for a time) dramatically more representative of the communities that it serves.  The work toward a more representative judiciary continues to this day in our State, and we can personally testify that Representative Brooks remains a key ally.

Another example: For years, the people of Georgia were officially represented by a State Flag that was adopted as part of the State’s historic campaign of “massive resistance” against court-ordered desegregation.  Tyrone Brooks played a key role in raising awareness of the Flag’s sordid history.  It is largely through the efforts of people like Representative Brooks that Georgians now have a much more inclusive Official Symbol that no longer celebrates insurrection or the elevation of one group over another.

I am not too proud to say that I am a beneficiary of the work of people like Tyrone Brooks.  Like many of my contemporaries, I have been able to take advantage of opportunities which might not have existed without the work of activists who have opened doors that they themselves never passed through. 

As one considers a sentence for Representative Brooks, consideration should be given to his overall body of work, which on balance has significantly contributed toward making our world a better place.

Charles S. Johnson
President
Southern Regional Council